Their politicized view of not just disease but the doctor's tasks was at odds with the majority of the medical profession in Germany. Even after the First World War, when it became clear that social democracy was going to be an even stronger force in German life, it found little support among members of the profession. Most of these politically active health officers in the ZVG had been active in political-medical organizations.
Some of the communist doctors had in submitted, via the Communist Party, motions on health policy to the Prussian State Parliament and the Reichstag. Here, and in other programmes, they demanded the unification of the health and welfare services under a central ministry, and the financing of the system from public funds. Other priorities were the reform of tuberculosis hospitals, new treatment centres for venereal diseases, maternity clinics, and the revision of abortion legislation. Many travelled to the USSR in the s and wrote glowing reviews on the successes of the newly nationalized Soviet health system.
Der Partner (The Partner)
Consequently, some work on health policy also took place in a series of German—Soviet friendship organizations. The association subsequently contained both social democrats and communists and became the biggest grouping of socialist doctors, a number of whom were present in the ZVG in Some of the association's health policy demands had included campaigns for birth control, the abolition of paragraph which prohibited abortion , the creation of a central health ministry, the creation of chairs in social hygiene at the major universities, and its compulsory inclusion in the medical syllabus.
The association also became one of the most vocal opponents of Nazi racial hygiene. Their programme showed that differences existed between factions within the KPD and SPD, particularly on issues such as the desirability of bringing public health under municipal rather than state control, and the role of eugenically oriented measures in health reform.
This tactic, begun in , only ended after the Nazis had taken power and Stalin changed to a popular front strategy, but their relationship barely improved after the abrupt Comintern emphasis on building united antifascist fronts. In , when both parties had to negotiate the pitfalls of Soviet occupation, and when members now joined the same institutions, this was important baggage.
Set against this antagonism was the shared disruption of their careers after and the persecution of those involved in socialist health politics, many of whom were also Jewish. Almost all of the politically active members of the ZVG lost their positions after Some moved on to private medical practice: Alfred Beyer was sacked from the Ministry of the Interior in February because of his SPD membership, and set up his own practice after Anneliese Hamann was dismissed in for communist activities, and from worked in her own practice.
Max Klesse, too, opened a practice after being sacked in Some were involved in underground work, and some were imprisoned: Fritz Leo was arrested by the Gestapo in , and then spent two years in prison in Zwickau and eight years in four different concentration camps.
Helmut Lehmann was sacked and arrested in March , and once again in as head of a resistance group of SPD members and trade union officials in Berlin. Following the July plot he was arrested again and sent to Tegel prison, from where he was liberated in April Some emigrated and only returned to Germany after Zetkin had already moved to Moscow in Baer left in , and went first to Spain, then to China and Burma.
K Catalog - K Preface: General Remarks and Directions of Use
Coutelle emigrated to Moscow in , and later also went on to Spain and Burma. Friedeberger emigrated to France in after he was dismissed and briefly arrested in Following two years of internment in Morocco, he then emigrated to the United States in In , Marcusson emigrated to Switzerland after he had been arrested in April , and then moved on to Moscow in February Neumann also emigrated to Switzerland, then to France in , later to Mexico. Friedrich Wolf, who was arrested over the abortion scandal in , travelled to Moscow following his release, working for an Agitprop theatre group of the KPD.
Kurt Winter emigrated to Switzerland in , later to Spain and Sweden. A significant portion of the communist set also joined the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War. Rolf Becker arrived in Spain in , and worked as chief medical officer of the Eleventh Brigade until Maxim Zetkin also arrived in , when he became an advisory surgeon to the Republican Army. Baer, Coutelle, and Winter all arrived in Spain in and fought until the end in Friedrich Wolf left Moscow for Spain in , and after the disbandment of the International Brigades was interned in France.
For them post-war Germany was, at least in part, another item on the political agenda. Eva Kolmer was one who made this link explicitly in retrospect. In sum, the SPD and KPD sets in the ZVG overlapped biographically in a series of subsets and intersecting circles, which bound them together and set them apart from their other colleagues. Some had met as Berlin medical officers or at the municipal hospitals; others had worked together in the Association of Socialist Doctors, the exile groups, or the International Brigades.
And even those who had not actually met in person before could easily place and assess each other on the basis of shared patterns. These biographical patterns are important for a number of reasons. Elsewhere, individual communists were appointed to public health administrative posts, but they were isolated and often had difficult relationships with the occupiers.
- Ubuy Kuwait Online Shopping For enjoy in Affordable Prices.!
- Ubuy Hong Kong Online Shopping For hera in Affordable Prices.;
- Fondation de la régence dAlger : histoire des Barberousse Tome2 (inédit, Illustré & Annoté) (French Edition).
- Hettling buerger v1 en 2016?
- Dramatik - Translation from German into English | PONS.
- Zu Franz Kafkas Erstes Leid - Selbstreflexion, Inspiration, Selbstzerstörung (German Edition)?
The way in which they presented themselves at meetings and during discussions with other health officers in the immediate post-war years demonstrates the survival of their party identities. Tensions and open disagreements between SPD and KPD people ranged from contrary assessments of the political situation to frustrations about personnel politics. The social democrat Max Klesse, a vociferous letter writer, was often critical of communist and Soviet strategies.
In a letter to Zetkin, he criticized the KPD's proclamations on the extensive German support of the Hitler regime and the lack of any real resistance. Apart from general disagreements, personnel policy was an issue that frustrated the social democrats, not least because they suspected favourable treatment of their KPD colleagues by the Soviet forces. The reality was more complicated. They aided the SPD, in particular, more scrupulously than the KPD would have liked, creating the impression among some social-democratic leaders that the Soviets actually preferred working with SPD politicians.
The case of Paul Konitzer was also not typical for the treatment of social democrats. As first president of the ZVG, the Soviets had approved Konitzer's appointment, and had listened to and respected him, until he was arrested in February and apparently hanged himself in prison in April , while awaiting his trial. What had happened?
A DICTIONARY OF ARTS, SCIENCES, LITERATURE AND GENERAL INFORMATION
Following his career as public health activist and social hygienist and his dismissal in , Konitzer had been drafted into the Wehrmacht in Zeithain was liberated by the Red Army on 23 April In the Soviet authorities discovered the bodies of tens of thousands of Russian POWs, who had perished as a result of typhus and other epidemics which were rampant in the camp. An investigative commission reported over 35, bodies in mass graves, and the Soviet authorities held Konitzer responsible.
Konitzer's fate stands out. Social democrats also directed other central administrations, and none died in such ambiguous circumstances. Alfred Beyer, for example, had a dazzling career as one of East Germany's most celebrated social hygienists. That Konitzer, before his death, was right at the heart of it, is revealed in a letter by Zetkin to the SED's central committee on his worries about Konitzer's reliability. A main factor was that they were badly advised, especially by people like comrade Ulbricht.
This situation had to end, this much had been agreed in his close circle. He asked the central committee to find a party comrade who could, should it become necessary, take over, although he noted that Konitzer probably had to stay for now for reasons of political expediency. On 18 February Konitzer was sacked and arrested, and by 22 April he was dead. As real as these divisions were, those between the SPD and KPD members and their non-political colleagues were often deeper. Minutes of meetings and private correspondence contain details of repeated disagreements and open hostilities.
A good illustration is an exchange at a meeting in November on the issue of doctors becoming organized within the new trade unions.
The debate centred on the question of whether the majority of German doctors were ready for this kind of organization, and whether ex-Nazi Party members should be allowed to join. Why urge the Nazis anyway? We urgently need our representation now. Klesse's letters also reveal regular run-ins which were often not even about specific issues so much as a more general kind of loathing.
If it was not for my duty as a socialist to help you and hold out for your sake in this outfit, at least until enough new socialists can be found, I would have long preferred to re-open my practice instead of being annoyed all the time by this damn bourgeois and harmful windbag. At any rate, he probably arranges things deliberately or out of stupidity?
While he had enjoyed working with the comrades, he wrote, the daily frustrations caused by the regular clashes were becoming too much.
He wanted to inform Zetkin in advance so that a socialist could be found as his replacement. Magistrat health officers characterized their ideal medicine as stripped of all party politics, and detected antecedents of this apolitical medical practice in their own careers and in German medical traditions.
In contrast, the SPD and KPD personnel identified a history of German political-medical activism which was also in part exemplified by their own careers. While working as medical officers, many had argued that the doctors, the natural advocates of the sick and needy, had to tackle not just the symptoms but also the social causes of illness and disease.
In Friedrich Wolf argued that the living conditions in the proletarian inner-city districts of Berlin were directly responsible for their high rates of tuberculosis and infant mortality.
MIKADOSTÄBCHEN - Definition and synonyms of Mikadostäbchen in the German dictionary
Because these living conditions were a reflection of their economic situation, Wolf insisted that the engaged doctor's job could not simply consist in vaccinating or handing out drugs. Doctors had to educate the working class, press for both smaller and more substantial social reforms, and ultimately help to bring about a proletarian revolution. Their argument on the political role of doctors acquired a new dimension with the rise of Nazism, often articulated in articles of the International Medical Bulletin —a journal founded by a long-term member of the Association of Socialist Doctors, Ewald Fabian, and published in Prague from until the annexation of the Sudetenland in , then in Paris from until mid The feeling of solidarity drives the socialist doctors to the side of the struggling proletariat, which has in capitalism seen the deepest misery and wretchedness and which wants to liberate humanity from this monstrous system by fighting for socialism.
The same issue published an outraged reply to Sauerbruch's open letter of see section on the Magistrat , signed by a group of German social democratic doctors in Czechoslovakia and some other organizations from across the world. Their task was to ensure that the German government could continue to work in peace.